Nepal’s constitution has set aside a target of 33 per cent representation of women in the country’s Parliament. From 6 in 2018 and a high of 31 in 2008, women’s representation has since wavered and dwindled to 9 in 2022 and currently 14 winners, constituting just 8 per cent of the directly elected members of parliament. This number is not likely to substantially increase even with proportional representation. What has changed is the nature of political representation – from women of political lineage and established parties to a new group of women leaders who not just represent the Gen-Z aspirations, but also come with grassroots experience of social activism, entrepreneurship and political vision. In this post-election analysis, Dewkala Tamang and Tapas Das explain the mandate, a quick profile of the winning women leaders, and what is in store for gender parity in Nepal’s politics.
Home page image: A woman casts her vote in the Nepal election
Text page image: Rastriya Swantantra Party (RSP) chairman Rabi Lamichhane leads a group of women party voters in planting a field
Banner image: Nepali women display their identity cards; photo source - UNDP
Recent youth-led uprisings across South Asia suggest that the region is undergoing a significant political transformation, although outcomes vary by country.
In Sri Lanka, the Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) transitioned from political outliers to government leaders by harnessing the anti-establishment momentum of the Aragalaya movement. The NPP positioned itself as a response to the corruption associated with the Rajapaksa era and, unlike most “third-force” parties, succeeded in attaining executive authority.
In contrast, Bangladesh remains more politically fragmented. The student-led revolution concluded the Awami League’s 17-year tenure and resulted in Sheikh Hasina’s exit, yet youth leaders did not secure immediate electoral dominance.
The National Citizens Party obtained only a limited number of seats and was compelled to ally with Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI). This outcome demonstrates that, unlike in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh’s secular youth movement has not yet established a robust, independent political force capable of challenging traditional or religious parties.
The Gen-Z protests of September 2025
Nepal represents the most pronounced example of political transformation. The so-called “Gen Z uprising” not only rejected the established leadership, as seen in Sri Lanka, but also displaced a significant portion of the political elite. Numerous veteran leaders lost both their seats and electoral deposits, indicating widespread voter disillusionment with the promise of a “New Nepal.”
Across all three countries, youth frustration with corruption is evident. The critical challenge now is whether these movements can transition from ousting entrenched leaders to demonstrating effective governance.
The road not taken
The March 5, 2026, election in Nepal marked a pivotal moment, representing the first successful democratic transition following the Gen Z-led anti-corruption protests of September 2025.
After a period of unrest that resulted in 77 fatalities and the collapse of the previous government, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) secured a decisive majority. A relatively new force, founded just four years earlier and led by 35-year-old former rapper and Kathmandu mayor Balendra “Balen” Shah, the RSP won 182 out of 275 seats, the largest parliamentary majority in over six decades.
Achieving the first single-party majority since 1999 and falling just short of a two-thirds supermajority, its proportional vote share of 47.84 per cent was the highest recorded since the system’s introduction in 2008.
The winners: RSP chief Rabi Lamichhane is greeted by supporters (left), and Prime Minister designate 'Balen' Shah (right)
The RSP’s sweep included a clean victory in all 15 seats in the Kathmandu valley and dominance across six of seven provinces, reflecting a broad rejection of the old guard’s cycle of unstable alliances and patronage politics that had plagued Nepal since 1990.
These were the first national elections since 2022, limited to the federal lower house, and they produced a decisive mandate that shattered decades of coalition-dependent politics and traditional party dominance. It represented a seismic realignment of the country’s political landscape, signalling the collapse of the traditional “big three” parties that had dominated since the 1990s.
In stark contrast, Nepal’s longstanding major parties suffered their worst-ever defeats: the Nepali Congress plummeted to 38 seats (down 51 from 2022) with only 16.24 per cent of the proportional vote, while the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) or UML managed just 25 seats (down 53) at 13.44 per cent.
The smaller communist factions, such as the Nepali Communist Party (formerly Maoist Centre), took 17 seats, while other parties, including the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Shram Sanskriti Party, trailed far behind with 5 and 7 seats, respectively.
The “leading races” featured high-profile upsets, underscoring the electorate’s desire for a generational break. In a symbolic passing of the torch, the RSP’s prime ministerial candidate, Balen Shah, defeated former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli in his home turf of Jhapa-5.
The Nepali Congress president, Gagan Thapa, projected as the party’s prime ministerial candidate, lost from Sarlahi-4 to a RSP candidate. Other senior Nepali Congress leaders, including Guru Raj Ghimire, Shekhar Koirala, and Bimalendra Nidhi, were also defeated.
Balendra 'Balen' Shah will take oath as Prime Minister on 27th March 2026, marking a new epoch in Nepal's political journey; photo source - The CSR Journal
The CPN-UML also saw several key leaders losing, including general secretary Shankar Pokharel, vice presidents Bishnu Paudel, Prithvi Subba Gurung, and Gokarna Bista, and multiple party secretaries. However, former prime minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda, won from Rukum Purba district, securing 10,240 votes against his CPN-UML rival Lilamani Gautam.
The RSP chairman, Rabi Lamichhane, won from Chitwan-2 with 54,402 votes. Gyanendra Shahi of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), which supports the return of the monarchy, won the Jumla constituency, becoming the party’s only representative in the House.
This outcome presents renewed prospects for stability in a nation that has experienced 32 governments in 35 years, a pattern that has undermined economic growth and investor confidence. The results also reveal a significant generational shift: 38 per cent of successful candidates are under 40, compared to 11 per cent in the previous election, with the majority being RSP candidates.
Nevertheless, the results indicate that achieving gender equality in Nepali politics remains a persistent challenge. The 2015 Constitution mandated that 33 per cent of parliamentary seats be allocated to women. Yet, political parties have consistently failed to meet this requirement.
In direct elections, women constituted only 11 per cent of candidates and approximately 8 per cent of winners. While this represents an improvement over 2022, when only nine women were elected, it remains significantly lower than the 31 women elected in 2008.
Of the 14 women directly elected in this general election, 13 are from the RSP. This suggests that, although the new generation is more inclusive, women’s representation continues to be, as critics describe, merely a “drop in the ocean,” relative to the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals.
In this analysis, we glance through the list of women elected in the 2026 election and what it means for Nepal’s political future.
The women who will steer Nepal’s politics
In the evolving landscape of Nepali politics, the latest electoral results underscore a significant, albeit complex, stride toward gender inclusivity.
The RSP saw the election of the highest number of women candidates in this election: Indira Rana Magar, Toshima Karki, Sobita Gautam, Nisha Dangi, Ranju Neupane, Rubina Acharya, Bina Gurung, Komal Gyawali, Asha Jha, Nitima Bhandari Karki, Asika Tamang, Gauri Kumari, and Pushpa Kumari Chaudhary.
On the other hand, Basana Thapa was elected as a candidate of the Nepali Congress (NC). Magar, Karki, Gautam and Dangi were reelected, while the remaining are newcomers to the House of Representatives.
Indira Rana Magar (left), Toshima Karki (centre), and Sobita Gautam (right)
Former Deputy Speaker, Indira Rana Magar, was elected to the House of Representatives from Jhapa-2, defeating former Speaker Devraj Ghimire, with Magar receiving 60,110 votes and Ghimire only 11,368. Magar was elected to the House of Representatives through the proportional representation system in 2023.
Before entering politics, she was the chairperson of the NGO Bandi Sahayata Nepal, which worked for education, rights, and a safe childhood for the young children of women serving prison sentences.
In 2005, she received the Ashoka Fellowship Award; in 2009, the Asia Public Service Award; and in 2014, the World Children's Honorary Award, along with Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai and American John Wood. In 2017, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) included her in the BBC 100 Women list, making her one of the world's most inspiring women.
Similarly, the RSP candidate, Toshima Karki, has been elected to the House of Representatives from Lalitpur-3, defeating her closest rival by more than 34,000 votes. Karki is a doctor who undertook humanitarian work during the 2015 earthquake and the COVID pandemic.
She had also volunteered in Madhesh Province, Sindhupalchowk, Nuwakot, and other districts. She has been raising her voice against malpractices in the medical sector since 2015. Karki briefly became the Minister of State for Health and Population in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government in 2023.
She also advocated on issues of quality health services and medical education as a member of the Education, Health, and Information Technology Committee of the Parliament. She took to the streets in support of the Gen-Z movement last September.
The RSP’s Sobita Gautam won the election for the second time in a row from Chitwan-3. Having won the election in Kathmandu-2 in 2023, she filed her candidacy in Chitwan-3 this time. Winning with a margin of 20,615 votes over her nearest rival, Renu Dahal of the Nepali Communist Party, Gautam garnered over 59,277 votes, which is the highest in this election. Gautam hosted the programme, “Health Concern” on Nepal Television for more than 4 years.
Nisha Dangi (left), Ranju Neupane (centre), and Rubina Acharya (right)
In Nepal, many people believe that the directly elected members of parliament have more influence than those chosen through the proportional representation (PR) system. Nisha Dangi, a young leader from RSP, challenged this idea by winning a strong mandate from voters. Dangi won by a large margin in Jhapa-1, a seat usually held by established parties like the NC and the CPN-UML.
Dangi’s win was a major upset, as she received 45,680 votes and a victory margin of 35,130 over Keshav Raj Pandey of the Nepali Congress. Born in 1996 in Bhadrapur Municipality, Dangi was the youngest member of the last House of Representatives. Her move from media to politics reflects a wider trend in Nepal, where voters are choosing younger leaders over the old guard.
The RSP’s Ranju Neupane won from Kathmandu-1. She got 15,455 votes and had a winning margin of over 6,364 votes over her nearest rival, Prabal Thapa Chhetri of the Nepali Congress. Ranju joined the Bibeksheel Nepali Party in 2014. She was only 21 when she ran for mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City in 2018.
Neupane filed her candidacy as an independent candidate for Kathmandu-5 in 2023 but did not win the election. Before joining the Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP) last Mangsir (eighth month of the Nepali calendar), Ranju was the general secretary of the Bibeksheel Sajha Party.
Rubina Acharya, also of the RSP, won from Morang-6 with a landslide victory. Her opponent was Congress leader Dr Shekhar Koirala. Koirala’s defeat to Acharya could not be considered a normal outcome, as her winning margin was over 42,663 votes, even as others could not cross 10,000 votes in this constituency where Koirala won in 2023.
Active in social work, Acharya has played a leading role in Dr Govinda KC’s medical education reform campaign, the “Hot Rice Campaign” during the COVID-19 pandemic, besides spearheading initiatives on violence against women. Acharya had made the economic, social, and political empowerment of women, leadership development, and gender equality her main issues, in addition to her declared commitment to sustainable social development.
Asha Jha (left), Bina Gurung (centre), and Komal Gyawali (right)
Bina Gurung, also an entrepreneur, won from Kaski-3 with 37,750 votes. Born in Parbat and based in Pokhara, the 53-year-old was active in social service and leads the Sanjeevani Didi Bahini Sangh Nepal, working for women’s empowerment. She is the RSP treasurer of Gandaki Province, and the only woman directly elected to the House of Representatives from Gandaki.
Komal Gyawali won from Kailali-1 with a margin of 12,867 votes against her nearest rival, Janakraj Chaudhary of the Nepali Congress. Komal, a management graduate, was an agricultural entrepreneur before entering politics full-time. Her active political journey began with the Nagarik Unmukti Party before joining the RSP.
Nitima Bhandari Karki of RSP secured a commanding victory in Sarlahi-1 with 44,181 votes. Director of a food chain, Bajeko Sekuwa, Karki, ran on a platform of women’s empowerment and local development. Her success was also mirrored in Dhading-1 by Ashika Tamang, a vocal advocate against social injustice, who won with 39,128 votes.
Similarly, Gauri Kumari and Pushpa Kumari Chaudhary achieved landslide victories in Mahottari-4 and Saptari-1, respectively, with Chaudhary securing over 38,000 votes—well ahead of her nearest competitor.
Even within the traditional parties, Basana Thapa of the Nepali Congress managed a narrow but vital win in Dailekh-1, highlighting that women are increasingly breaking through the direct election system rather than relying solely on proportional quotas.
Nitima Bhandari Karki (left), Ashika Tamang (centre), and Basana Thapa (right)
Will women lead the change?
Achieving the constitutional target of 33 per cent women’s representation has consistently been challenging, frequently depending on the proportional representation system to compensate for the limited number of women elected directly. The number of directly elected women has increased from six in 2018 to nine in 2023, and even more in the current election, although the significance of this trend remains subject to debate.
The UML leader, Binda Pandey, is quoted as remarking that these wins often result from a “party wave” or a general desire for change, as in the 2008 Maoist surge, when the party symbol helped candidates win regardless of gender. This view suggests that, even as more women are elected, real barriers to female leadership remain strong.
Observers such as Sucheta Pyakurel describe these results as a “post-rebellion tsunami” caused by public frustration with the old leadership. The rise of leaders like Toshima Karki and Ranju Neupane signals a push against the status quo. Still, experts warn that patriarchal attitudes persist, even in reformist parties like the RSP.
The principal challenge for these newly elected women is to translate their electoral success into substantive policy changes that address the social issues highlighted during their campaigns.
Achieving gender equality and ensuring women’s substantive participation in politics are fundamental indicators of a healthy democracy. However, women in Nepal continue to be largely marginalised within governance structures.
Women candidates on the campaign trail
Although the 2015 Constitution represented a significant milestone by mandating 33 per cent political representation for women to address historical exclusion and align with the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, political parties have consistently failed to fulfil this requirement.
The ongoing disparity between policy and practice highlights that, despite women’s essential role in the democratic framework, their representation in positions of power remains, as critics note, a mere "drop in the ocean" relative to the entrenched male political establishment.
Outside politics, Nepali women face both ongoing socio-economic challenges and progress in education. Old patriarchal traditions still lead to problems like domestic violence, dowry-related crimes, and practices such as menstrual “untouchability.”
At the same time, girls’ education is improving. By 2017, over 93 per cent of girls were enrolled in primary schools, and by 2024, secondary enrollment reached 90.9 per cent. Female literacy has also risen from 57.4 per cent in 2011 to 69.4 per cent in 2021, though it is still below the male rate of 83.6 per cent.
To convert educational advancements into substantive social equality, Nepal must prioritise reducing dropout rates in rural areas and actively address traditional gender biases. Societal progress depends on the empowerment of women; however, education alone is insufficient.
Genuine equality will be achieved only when educational gains contribute to the elimination of discrimination and when women are fully recognised as leaders in government and public life.
Shall they overcome?
The 2026 election in Nepal, propelled by the Gen-Z movement, constituted a decisive rejection of the traditional political establishment and a measured shift toward greater gender inclusion. The decisive victory of RSP and the emergence of new women leaders reflect a collective aspiration to overcome corruption and patriarchal norms.
Nevertheless, the persistent inability to meet the constitutional quota for women and enduring social barriers underscore that achieving gender equality remains a gradual process.
Leaders, including Indira Rana Magar, Toshima Karki, Sobita Gautam, and Nisha Dangi, exemplify how courage, activism, and professional integrity can yield significant electoral success. Their victories signal a broader societal shift in which voters, particularly younger generations, prioritise integrity and public service over familial or political lineage.
However, as many of these successes are associated with a broader “party wave,” this progress may prove fragile if new leaders fail to meet public expectations.
RSP chief Rabi Lamichhane with the party's women candidates
Ultimately, the trajectory of Nepal’s democracy will depend on whether these newly elected women and young leaders can translate their symbolic victories into substantive change. This requires addressing corruption, ensuring effective governance, dismantling gender biases, enhancing social protections, and converting educational progress for girls into tangible political and economic empowerment.
Should these objectives be achieved, the “post-rebellion tsunami” of 2026 will be recognised as the beginning of a more equitable and inclusive Nepal.
(Views expressed in this report are the authors' own)
Follow us on WhatsApp
Follow us on Facebook
Follow us on X @vudmedia
Follow us on Substack
