A white flag in the red corridor: Will it be endgame for the Maoists?

Recent successes of security operations against the Maoists might have forced the outfit to seek truce. Prospects of meaningful talks, however, seem minimal going by past experiences

Politico
By P. V. Ramana
Apr 06, 2025

Security operations in Maoist bastions across several states in Central India, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, have led to major depletion in the Maoist ranks in recent months. Besides the elimination of top leaders, including Central Committee members of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the banned outfit is reported to have lost over 400 cadres. Visibly cornered and possibly in its last leg, the Maoists have called for a truce and want to join peace talks. While one of the State governments has welcomed negotiations, the Union Government will clearly see it only as a means for complete disbandment and surrender of the cadre rather than provide any opportunities for the Maoists to regroup and gain strength, as in the past. Dr P.V. Ramana narrates how past negotiations have fared and what could be in store.

A statement by the spokesperson of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), who identified himself as Abhay, dated 28 March 2025, reached the offices of leading media houses on 2 April 2025. The statement called for an end to ‘Operation Kagar’ – the ongoing campaign by India’s paramilitary forces against the Maoists in Central India, particularly Chhattisgarh and Odisha.

The operation was launched in 2004, and over a lakh Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) personnel have been deployed over the years.

The highlight of the statement is the offer to enter into negotiations with the government. Reportedly written in Telugu, along with a Hindi translation, the statement appeals to the "Peace Talk Committee and citizens of the country,” to push the government to halt the ongoing operations as a precondition to join negotiations.

Claiming that over 400 of their leaders, activists, and tribal civilians had been killed in the “offensive by the security forces,” the statement also alleged that women Maoists had been subjected to sexual violence and summary executions. It also labels the operations as part of a campaign to “exploit tribal lands for corporate lands, suppress indigenous movements and advance a Hindu nationalist agenda.”

Calling upon intellectuals, students, journalists and environmental activists for a nationwide campaign to push the government towards negotiations, the statement reportedly stated that the Maoists were “ready to sit at the negotiating table with the elected government.”

Abhay also reportedly stated that the Maoists welcomed a round table meeting held in Hyderabad on 24th March on the topic of Stopping of war in central India-announcement of ceasefire by the Indian government, though the context of this meeting or its role in the decision to seek a truce has not been elaborated.

While the Chhattisgarh government is reported to have responded positively to the offer, it has made clear that no conditions set by the Maoists will be accepted. Chhattisgarh’s Deputy Chief Minister and the State’s Home Minister Vijay Sharma is quoted as welcoming the offer for talks but rejecting the Maoists' conditions and allegations. Union Home Minister Amit Shah, too, welcomed the Maoists’ offer and said they are our brothers. He asked the Maoists to surrender arms and join the mainstream.

“We will verify the authenticity of the letter first. On previous occasions, Maoists have asked for peace talks, loading the government with various conditions. Such demands can never be considered. Those who commit crimes will be punished,” Sharma had remarked while also adding that if the Maoists have initiated a peace bid, they should form a committee or appoint a person.

How previous peace talks fared

Earlier, there have been two attempts to hold talks with the Maoists, both in the then undivided Andhra Pradesh. The first was in 2002. They were termed as ‘talks about talks.’ In other words, they were held to decide the agenda for future negotiations. A third attempt was made later in 2010; it was a non-starter.

On the other hand, the 2002 peace process did not take off in the wake of continued violence by the Communist Party of India – Marxist-Leninist (People’s War or PW in short).

In the aftermath of an exchange of fire in Tupakulagudem on 11 March 2002, three top-PW Naxalite leaders – Andhra Pradesh State Committee Secretary Akkiraju Haragopal alias Ramakrishna alias Pantulu (since deceased due to chronic health complications), North Telangana Special Zone Secretary Jinugu Narasimha Reddy alias Jampanna(since surrendered) and Andhra-Orissa Border Special Zone secretary Modem Bhaskar alias Chandrannaissued a joint statement calling upon underground squads to commit actions against the state.

A couple of months later, on May 8, 2002, Ramakrishna made a fresh offer of talks and issued a statement and set the following terms:

- The rebels would desist from hostilities for a period of a month, from May 10 to June 10 (2002);

- The government should reciprocate and observe the cessation of hostilities;

- The rebels would not attack police, police informers and political leaders, as well as not damage/destroy public property;

- The government should avoid encounters, combing operations and what the rebels term as high-handedness;

- The representatives of the government for the talks should either go to the forest (PW safe-place) and hold direct negotiations with designated rebel leaders, or safe passage should be given to three PW leaders to go to Hyderabad and participate in the talks;

- Cessation of hostilities could be extended if an atmosphere of peace continues to exist.

During the talks, the PW emissaries on all three days – June 2, 9, and 10 – came to the Andhra Pradesh State Secretariat (the venue of the talks) singing songs and raising slogans against the government on alleged state repression and fake encounters, which was objected to by the government representatives.

They also categorically stated that ‘armed struggle was not negotiable’ and demanded the government to lift the proscription imposed on the rebel outfit. When the government representatives opined that the rebels did not have the right to bear arms, the PW emissaries brought to the table the issue of the Rule of Law.

There was a deadlock on the interpretation of the Rule of Law and, eventually, the issue of the right to bear arms was not successfully addressed during the discussions. The talks, thus, fell flat as there was no agreement on the agenda.

The second attempt was made in 2004. By then, the PW had suffered numerous, severe body blows. They lost three Central Committee Members (Nalla Adi Reddy ‘Shyam,’ Erramreddy Santosh Reddy ‘Mahesh’ and Seelam Naresh ‘Murali’, in 1999). A few Special Zonal Committee/State-level leaders (such as Anupuram Komaraiah, in 2003) and some district-level leaders (such as Polam Sudarshan Reddy, of Warangal, in 2003 and Nelakonda Rajitha of Karimnagar, in 2002), besides numerous cadres in encounters with the police.

The Committee of Concerned Citizens (CCC), as well as political parties, suggested to the government to hold talks with the rebels. Importantly all political parties in the state–Congress-I, BJP, CPI and CPI(M) – favoured the creation of a congenial atmosphere to hold negotiations with the PW and eventually hold talks.

The conditions suggested were: (a) talks shall be held within the framework of the Constitution, and (b) the rebels should lay down arms. At the meeting, it was also agreed that (a) negotiations shall be held directly with the rebel leadership, (b) conditions placed by the rebels shall be discussed, and (c) all parties shall work towards creating a congenial atmosphere for conducting negotiations.

The objective of all these actors was to have respite from the ceaseless violence that plagued the state.

The idea itself, however, turned out to be ill-conceived. At the last minute, the government hurriedly invited the Communist Party of India – (Janashakthi), too, for the talks. A day ahead of the scheduled commencement of the talks, Ramakrishna famously said on 14 October 2004, that ‘talks were war by other means.’ He meant to say they would compel the government to accede to their demands.

For the Maoists, it was a win-win situation as well as a loss of face – win-win because the government later distributed several thousands of acres, and a loss of face as they could not fully realise their demands. They were, thus, laid bare the futility of their revolutionary agenda. Ramakrishna received 836 petitions from the general public.

A few days ahead of the talks, Polit Bureau member, Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Uday, (since deceased) issued their charter of demands. The talks were held on three principal demands: land to the tiller, democracy and self-reliance.

The government, meanwhile, made it clear they would not be allowed to come overground.

In sum, the demands set forth were:

- A democratic atmosphere should be created in the State. The government should respect people’s right to fight for their democratic demands;

- Implement reforms in the agricultural sector;

- Implement policies of industrialisation and other schemes based on local resources in place of the liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation policies being followed now;

- Recognise the tribal people’s rights in the forest;

- Form a separate Telangana State;

- Formulate an integrated plan for the development of backward regions of North Coastal and Rayalasseema areas;

- Punish those who belittle the self-respect of Dalits. Take action against police officers and upper-caste members responsible for attacks on Dalits in Karamchedu, Tsundur, Neerukonda and Vempenta;

- Equal property rights for women;

- Implement total prohibition;

- Order a probe into the illegal amassing of wealth by officials, politicians and capitalists; corruption scandals by officials and politicians.

Just ahead of the talks, on 14 October 2004, Ramakrishna announced the merger of the Peoples War and Maoist Communist Party of India (MCC), which, in fact, had taken place on 21 September 2004, after prolonged rounds of discussion. Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ of Nepal had convinced the two to wage a joint war. The two sides saw merit in his suggestion – strength lies in unity.

The merger announcement came as a rude shock to the government. What was until then two separate entities – one operating in Southern India and another in the North – now became an all-India organisation. The combined organisational presence now stretched from the borders of Nepal in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar down to Western India until Karnataka spanning across 11 States.

The entire country waited eagerly for the outcome of the talks as they would have far-reaching implications. Here was an elected government that was holding talks for the first time with a proscribed group.

The talks were led by Andhra Pradesh’s then Home Minister Jana Reddy, accompanied by two ministers, K Vijaya Rama Rao and Tammineni Sitaram.

The government made it clear the Maoists would not be allowed to come overground with weapons. They duly deposited the weapons in a safe place. The government accorded them ‘state guest’ status. A cease-fire monitoring group comprising prominent individuals was also formed. The talks were extended by a day and were held between 15-17 October 2004.

That peace was floundering became evident soon after the first phase of negotiations. Initially, there was substantial reportage in the media of the Maoist suggestion to hold the next round of talks in important cities in the districts – Visakhapatnam, Guntur and Warangal. The government gave no assurance on this.

It was expected that the talks would be carried on till April 2005, but the peace process began to flounder and concluded in January.

Meanwhile, in November 2004, the Maoists had adopted a new tactic of exerting pressure on the government to extend the peace process. Some Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) were said to have been ordered by local Maoist squads to take a large delegation to the state Home Minister and submit memoranda urging the government to extend the peace process on the ground that there would be respite from violence for an extended spell.

At least three MLAs were known to have complied with the Maoist directive.

In the second week of December, Ramakrishna issued a veiled statement suggesting that the peace process would not last long. In a statement released to the media, he asked Maoist armed cadres to prepare for a showdown with the state.

Later, on 16 January 2005, an armed squad shot down Adikesavula Naidu, an MLA. The following day the Maoists trashed the peace process and returned to the forests.

They regrouped, continued with their protracted armed struggle and enhanced their over-ground and underground strength. Not to be left behind, the police then identified their sympathisers, arms dumps and hide-outs and systematically destroyed or neutralised them.

Battered and cornered, but not out yet

The current offer by the Maoists, who seem totally cornered by the intensity of the security operations, should be seen in the context of these previous failed negotiations, which turned out to be non-starters and were used to buy time to regroup and strengthen their operations.

The current offer has been made following several body blows in the past year in which the rebels have lost over 400 cadres, besides a few hundred surrenders. The losses signify the efficacy and impact of ‘Operation Kagar’ which was launched to get the country rid of the Maoist challenge.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has, in fact, declared that the Maoists will be eradicated by 21 March 2026.

When Chhattisgarh becomes free of Maoist insurgency, the entire country will be rid of the menace… in the past 10 years we tightened the noose around Maoists and there was a 73% reduction in deaths of security personnel and a 70% fall in civilian killings. For the first time in 40 years, the death toll of civilians and security personnel is less than 100,” Shah remarked in December last year.

The visible success in the security operations is evident from the number of top leaders being eliminated in recent months, including the formidable Central Committee member T.L.N. Chalapathi, also known as Jairam, whose killing in January this year was seen as a breakthrough. Chalapathi was, in fact, the head of the Odisha State Committee of the CPI (Maoists).

In fact, the Maoist ranks have lost other Central Committee members including the Dandkaranya Zonal Committee’s Ramachandra Reddy Pratap Reddy, Bade Chokka Rao alias Domar Reddy and other prominent leaders like Anju alias Kavita, who headed the Seenapaali area committee, her colleague in the same area Sony alias Budari, and Deepak Mandavi who was commander of the Mainpur LGS.

The present strength of the Central Committee is 19. All of them are ageing.

Negotiating with the Maoists is a double-edged sword. The government must keep past experiences in mind and tread cautiously. For the Maoists, it is four steps backwards and one step forward.

The government has to think at what level the talks would be conducted. The Maoists have called for a “cease-fire” in four States – Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. The government has to decide if all three States would be represented at the talks and at what level.

Notwithstanding the prospects of any meaningful talks happening, it will be worthwhile to remember the past tactics of Maoists who used the negotiations to buy time, regroup and eventually subvert the peace process. However, considering that the outfit has faced considerable losses in recent months, their ability to regroup in formidable terms, as in previous years, could be doubted.

Looking at the current state of affairs and the heavily depleting strength of the Maoists, it is unlikely that the talks will yield any meaningful results. The government is not expected to seek any conclusive results, other than pushing for the CPI (Maoist) leadership and remaining cadre to surrender, in order to avoid further bloodshed and civilian deaths that could occur during the operations.

The Maoists, for their part, are committed to armed seizure of power. The Maoist party is committed to mass-line rather than class-line. The Nepalese Maoists moved from mass-line to class-line and formed a government. So, they, too, need to be given a chance. If they can get legitimately elected, let that happen.

As the late former Chief Minister M Channa Reddy reportedly said once, “If I can become Chief Minister why not Kondapalli Seetaramaiah.”

Given the current realities, the Maoists will not be able to form a government. The hardcore among them shall remain, but they will have mere peripheral nuisance. By all means, it is pack-up time for the Maoists. If not by March 2026, soon thereafter!

(The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.)