Between resistance and liberation: Women in India’s Maoist ranks

The story of women in India’s underground Maoist movement is less told. While many societal reasons might have led them to the extremist movement, their return to the mainstream is not an easy journey either

Ground Report
By P. V. Ramana
Mar 18, 2025

Yet another International Women’s Day went by, celebrating the glory, successes, and contributions of women as well as their struggles against all odds in patriarchal and discriminatory settings. Few though tend to discuss the story of those women who are or have been part of the banned Maoist movement in India. Their story is not only about how they were led into the movement and of those who fall in encounters with security forces; it is also about their struggles when seeking to return to the mainstream after laying down arms. Dr P.V. Ramana, India’s foremost expert on Naxalism and the Maoist movement, who has authored numerous articles and has been part of many governmental studies, provides this glimpse of women in the Maoist ranks. Some of his writings can be accessed here.

Banner, Home page and text page images are used for representational purposes.

Follow us on X @vudmedia

March 8 is celebrated worldwide as International Women’s Day as women in Russia protested on this day, according to the Georgian calendar, against The Great War (World War I).

Being part of the international Communist movement, which is itself a part of the global world order, the Maoists, too, observe this day. Women are integral to the Maoist movement. They constitute at least 30 per cent of all armed and over-ground formations of Maoist ranks.

However, of the present 19-member Central Committee there is not a single lady. In the past, two women have been Central Committee members – Anuradha Shanbagh alias Sangeeta Ghandhy, a Sociology professor (later died of cerebral malaria), wife of Kobad Ghandy alias Rajan, and Sheela Marandi, wife of Prashant Bose alias Kishan da, number three in the Maoist pecking of hierarchy.

The Maoist leadership has noted that they have not been able to groom women to assume leadership roles. Surely, they are heading squads and are members of State/Zone Committees.

As one senior Maoist leader told this author, women are physically less robust and a little low in confidence; higher leaders themselves tend to doubt their capabilities and male cadres show disobedience.

An internal document of the Maoists noted:

Our work in the women’s front is still far from satisfactory. Recruitment in many States is poor, selection-gradation-promotion of the women cadres is still not according to a systematic plan and our efforts are inadequate given the immense potential and the necessity of building the women’s movement and recruiting cadres and promoting leadership from the women. The trend of patriarchy is acting as a strong deterrent to our efforts in this regard.

In their earlier avatar as the Communist Party of India – Marxist-Leninist (People’s War or PW in short) – the Maoists had identified the various initiatives they would undertake along the way of building the women’s movement and making them partners in their New Democratic Revolution (NDR). These include:

- Equal rights to women from agriculture labour and poor peasantry background in the distribution of land;

- Equal rights to women in hereditary and self-earned property to women from well-to-do families;

- Equal wages for equal work;

- Eradicate physical exploitation of women and completely eradicate prostitution;

- Eradicate atrocities on women and severely punish offenders;

- Put an end to the dowry system, an end to ostentatious weddings and demand the encouragement of simple, inter-caste weddings.

Similarly, the Maoists had listed long-term tasks that the women’s movement would undertake after they heralded the NDR. These include:

- Full partnership for women in social production; i.e. transformation of relationship between men and women in production;

- Collective role in household activities;

- Men and women to jointly involved in household activities;

- Women to participate in politics and jointly exercise political authority;

- Personal wealth/property to be converted into collective wealth/property and struggle for an end to patriarchy;

- Abolish private, family business/industry and establish community production and ownership;

- Establish fraternal relationships with and support women’s movements across the world.

Even while the participation of women was constrained by middle-class ethos, they participated in large numbers in the Telangana Armed Struggle from 1946-1951. Women participated in Naxalbari as well as in Srikakulam Armed Struggle (1969-1970).

The most prominent among them is Panchadi Nirmala who was captured and killed along with some of her colleagues in 1969. Women were involved in the Jagityal Rytanga Poratam. With women joining student and youth organizations – Radical Students Union (RSU), Radical Youth League (RYL) and Rythu Coolie Sangam (RCS), a debate ensued among the Maoists on whether there was a need to start a separate women’s organization.

However, the idea was put aside as they were already part of these organisations.

Then, and even now, they maintain dumps and manage safe houses (dens). Consequent to the participation of women in large numbers in Dandakaranya, the Dandakaranya Adivasi Mahila Sangh (DAKMS) was formed.

Especially in Dandakaranya, women fight alongside and share responsibilities equally with their male colleagues, including kitchen work. The equal rights enjoyed by them and the fact that they were no less a fighter than their male colleagues gave women a sense of pride and self-respect.

There are various narratives claiming that the active participation of women had helped put an end to various forms of patriarchy and encouraged them to join the underground or their front organisations. The Maoists, it was claimed, had largely succeeded in putting an end to ‘forced marriages’ and even marriage among cousins.

The general perception in the Maoist-infested region is that women join due to their exploitative environment in the villages. Some have followed a family member – husband, father, uncle or brother.

In an instance that came to light in Bihar in 2002, Naxalites had targeted girls as well as boys, forcing parents in the vicinity of Tanda and Bagh Rivers to send away their children to escape forcible recruitment.

There have been instances of girls under 16 years joining or being enlisted with the Maoists. As the Maoists are an insurgent group, it would be naive to expect them to abide by international obligations, including the globally accepted principle that children under 16 cannot be fielded as combatants.

Interestingly, a woman member had remarked to me, “What do you mean? I was born in the party.” Her parents were part of the underground when she was born. She was enrolled in a government social welfare school and visited her parents during vacation.

Being at an impressionable age, they are either carried away or motivated by the fiery speeches, exhortations and songs eulogising fallen comrades.

Women have no special concessions and follow the same rigour – attend training camps and engage the security forces in gun battles. While some undergo training and function as doctors, some others teach.

Like for their male colleagues, training for women cadres also includes political classes and military training. Some of them also undergo training to function as ‘doctors.’ A typical training schedule would be as follows:

4.30 am alert call; 5.30 to 8.30 am PT &drill; 8.30 to 9.30 am breakfast; 9.30 to 12.30 pm classes; 12.30 to 2.00 pm lunch break; 2.30 to 4.00 pm classes; 4.30 to 6.30 pm drill with weapons; 7.00 to 8.30 pm classes; 9.00 pm dinner and rest

Those tasked with organizational activities visit villages and organize women folk in women’s organizations such as DAMS.

Women are also part of cultural troupes. They are a good source of logistics and intelligence. The women cadre also function as couriers as well. They coordinate with doctors and help in building the over-ground network.

In the early years, marriages were encouraged within the underground. In recent times, however, marriage is discouraged though not known to be prohibited. In some cases, women cadres are married to senior leaders, which, in turn, helps their rise also in the Maoist hierarchy.

Interestingly, women leaders do not marry lower-ranking cadres. Relationships with equal-ranking and higher-ranking leaders, beyond conjugality, are also heard of.

Marriages within the organisation have their own challenges and cause friction among couples, which may sometimes lead to separation. These include:

- Low levels of ideological grounding of the spouse often lead to patriarchal trends even as they continue within the organization leading to marital discord;

- The husband also feels a sense of superiority as he holds a higher rank than the wife;

- Extra-marital relations and mutual suspicion.

Nonetheless, there is widespread practice of remarriage particularly when one of the spouses is killed in an encounter.

Social workers and police officers who have observed societal aspects in the Maoist regions have also pointed to other dimensions that have emerged out of women’s involvement in the movement.

For example, some sections of the Maoists feel that the women cadre will increase the vulnerability of their operations. There have been instances when the entire squad has been wiped out for which the women cadre have been blamed.

On the other hand, women members have also been instrumental in turning around the men folk to surrender. After marriage, the women cadre wish to lead a peaceful life and have a family of their own. In such instances, they persuade their husband to leave the underground and join the mainstream.

It is commonly seen in villages in Maoist regions that women are more determined to raise their children, educate them and encourage them to settle in professional jobs.

However, life after surrender is not easy particularly for women cadre. Owing to years of tough underground life, poor health will be a nagging concern, besides the lasting challenge of financial constraints.

Furthermore, it takes time for dilemmas to melt away and for them to eventually return to a normal life. Most of them earn daily wages of approximately Rs 110 to Rs 120 in their economic settings which will be among the backward regions of the country.

Some of them, indeed, own a small patch of land themselves (barely half an acre to two). Some rue that they have become labourers on their own land, which was grabbed by landlords or has been mortgaged.

Also, those who have surrendered find it hard to get jobs as society is generally apprehensive of hiring them.

One common refrain among many of the surrendered cadres is that they have not been given the five acres which was a part of the rehabilitation package promised by the government. However, they would not admit that the cost of the parcel of land identified by them is too steep for even state governments to acquire and give it to them.

On the other hand, the rehabilitation package promised by the governments in affected regions is generally slow and tardy. The surrendered cadre, particularly the women, are trained in tailoring and in any vocation of their choice. The police forces in the affected regions have offered them jobs as home guards.

Having babies at home and being sent away for duty for a long duration causes angst among them. It could benefit the surrendered women if they are provided with microfinance and made part of self-help groups. In their reformed life, they can be effective in local administration and as teachers and para-medics

After seeing that not much has changed since the time they joined the underground at least some of them could be wondering if they were right in surrendering. However, they are pulled down by their aspiration for a better future. They expect greater support from the government which should encourage surrenders but also effectively implement the rehabilitation package to ensure that they are easily assimilated back into society.

Nonetheless, in the male-dominated remote and interior rural areas in the Maoist-infested regions, a surrendering woman Naxalite is, comparatively, a stronger woman.